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Real Top Gun: Iran Loved the F-14 Tomcat Fighter

F-14 Tomcat
F-14 Tomcat. Image taken at National Air and Space Museum on October 1, 2022. Image by 19FortyFive.

During the Iran-Iraq war, which lasted from 1980 to 1988, Iranian F-14 Tomcats played an important role for the Islamic Republic as a potent air superiority asset, an interdiction platform, early warning, and defense too — despite the intense pressure Iran faced keeping the fighters air worthy following the American arms embargo following the Iranian revolution.

Thanks to its AWG-9 radar, and paired with long-range AIM-54 Phoenix missiles, the F-14 excelled at air superiority and interception against the Iraqi Air Force.

Iran Loved the F-14 Tomcat 

The Tomcat’s excellent radar range compared to that of Iraq allowed the jet to detect and engage enemy Iraqi aircraft before they could, allowing the jet to strike deep into Iraqi airspace.

During the war, Iran’s oil infrastructure was a prime target for Iraq, and oil facilities and related assets were also targeted during air raids.

In those situations, Tomcats intercepted Iraqi bombers, like the Soviet-supplied Tu-22s and Tu-16s, hindering their overall effectiveness.

Iranian F-14s were also used to protect strategic assets like oil tankers and other energy installations in the Persian Gulf, and in particular, as the war expanded to attacks on shipping as part of the Tanker War.

Even when ammunition shortages became acute because of the aforementioned arms embargo, Iranian forces could leverage the Tomcat’s powerful radar and used the jet as an early warning aircraft to alert other Iranian fighter and air defense assets on the ground.

The F-14 also had a use unarmed, as Iraqi pilots allegedly feared the F-14 and would avoid engagements when they detected Tomcats in the air.

Iran-Contra Affair

Iran may have received spare parts for the F-14 as part of the Iran-Contra Affair during the early to mid-1980s. In the 2000s, the Islamic Republic also secured unspecified F-14 surplus parts through front companies as part of a Department of Defense sale.

“Officials told the AP of one instance in 2000, where a company called Multicore bought the fighter parts from the Department of Defense surplus office. The parts were later confiscated because of export control violations and returned to the surplus office. However, another company, allegedly Iranian, bought the same parts in 2005,” according to one arms control report.

“Defense officials told the AP that Tehran is said to be in search of several key components for its aging fleet of F-14 “Tomcat” jets, which the United States sold to Iran prior to its 1979 Islamic Revolution. These parts include electronics and hydraulics used to control the wing, guidance and control system, J85 engines, Vulcan 20mm cannon and ammunition drums, and Sparrow medium-range missiles.”

In 2004 the Department of Justice charged a dual American-Iranian citizen with trying to export aerospace components to Iran, some of which were supplies for the F-4 Phantom II, a Vietnam-era fighter-bomber.

F-14 Tomcat in Iran Today

Given the age of Iran’s F-14 fleet today, the dearth of spare parts and munitions, and the difficulty in keeping the jets airworthy, it is unclear how effective those jets would be in a conflict. However, their readiness is almost certainly not optimal.

Indeed, thanks to burgeoning ties with Russia, the Iranian fleet is getting a boost to its air power: the Su-35 fighter jet.

Out with the Old, in with the New

Just a few months ago, a senior Iranian Revolutionary Guards commander said that Tehran had purchased Su-35 fighter jets from Russia, though the exact numbers of the purchase are unknown. 

“Whenever necessary, we make military purchases to strengthen our air, land, and naval forces. … The production of military equipment has also accelerated,” the official said. “If the enemy acts foolishly, it will taste the bitter taste of being hit by our missiles, and none of its interests in the occupied territories will remain safe,” a warning directed at Israel.

The report in January followed the announcement earlier that month of a strategic partnership signed by Russia and Iran that pledged to develop “military-technical cooperation.”

The sale and transfer of the Su-35 jets to Iran could bolster the country’s moribund air force, though the combat effectiveness of Iranian-piloted Russian jets will depend on robust maintenance and servicing support and reliable access to spare parts from Russia as well as pilot training and cooperation with ground assets like radar and other surveillance components.

The potential boost to Iran’s air capabilities comes at a precarious time for the country. Iran’s ability to wage war against Israel following the decimation of Tehran’s proxies Hamas and Hezbollah in Gaza and Lebanon, as well as the crippling of Iranian missile production and air defense assets by the Israeli Air Force, has left the country incredibly exposed.

Iran supports Russia’s drone industry through its shipments of Shahed kamikaze drones that Russia has used to pummel Ukrainian cities. Deepening cooperation between the Islamic Republic and Moscow beyond drone technology opens a new chapter in Russian-Iranian cooperation.

About the Author: Caleb Larson 

Caleb Larson is an American multiformat journalist based in Berlin, Germany. His work covers the intersection of conflict and society, focusing on American foreign policy and European security. He has reported from Germany, Russia, and the United States. Most recently, he covered the war in Ukraine, reporting extensively on the war’s shifting battle lines from Donbas and writing on the war’s civilian and humanitarian toll. Previously, he worked as a Defense Reporter for POLITICO Europe. You can follow his latest work on X.

Written By

Caleb Larson is an American multiformat journalist based in Berlin, Germany. His work covers the intersection of conflict and society, focusing on American foreign policy and European security. He has reported from Germany, Russia, and the United States. Most recently, he covered the war in Ukraine, reporting extensively on the war’s shifting battle lines from Donbas and writing on the war's civilian and humanitarian toll. Previously, he worked as a Defense Reporter for POLITICO Europe.

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