How Do You Get the Cost Down on the F-47 from $300,000,000?: The ability of the United States to export the F-35 and involve allies in the jet’s production was a key factor in helping reduce per-unit costs for the Lightning II, compared to the vastly more expensive F-22 Raptor. The F-35’s multiple international partners, and sales of the aircraft abroad, help offset the costs of research, development, and production, and allow economies of scale to take form.
In contrast, the F-22 was specifically barred from export by an act of Congress. Its use was restricted to the U.S. Air Force. This eliminated any opportunity to disperse costs via foreign military sales. It spread the fixed research-and-development costs across a much smaller fleet, driving up the per-unit price.
The end of the Cold War, diminished hostilities between the United States and Russia in its immediate aftermath, and drawn-down defense budgets also played a role in the F-22’s high price point.
Still, it remains true that the F-35’s export to other partners internationally has helped to drive down the costs of that stealth fighter, thanks to cost-sharing and dispersed production that involves partners.
F-47: A Similar Strategy?
A similar strategy of building platforms with a mind for export could help hold down the per-unit production costs of the F-47. Keep in mind, before the F-47 announcement, what we then called NGAD was going to cost an astounding $300 million per fighter plane.
Attracting international partners for the F-47 program could broaden the jet’s customer base. It would, in effect, share the fixed research-and-development costs among a bigger group, reducing the costs to the United States. Additionally, an increase in overall production numbers thanks to export orders could increase F-47 production runs, which would help to lower per-unit costs by creating supply-chain and manufacturing efficiencies.
While announcing the winner of the Next Generation Air Dominance contract last week in the Oval Office, U.S. President Donald Trump hinted at F-47 production numbers without dipping into specifics.
“We’ve given an order for a lot. We can’t tell you the price,” Trump joked with reporters at the White House.
“Our allies are calling constantly,” Trump also said, hinting that foreign military sales could be on the table for American allies. “They want to buy them also.”
“[The F-47] sends a very direct, clear message to our allies that we’re not going anywhere and to our enemies that we can, and we will, be able to project power around the globe, unimpeded, for generations to come,” Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth added.
In a U.S. Air Force statement on the F-47, Air Force Chief of Staff General David Allvin said, “Compared to the F-22, the F-47 will cost less and be more adaptable to future threats—and we will have more of the F-47s in our inventory.
“The F-47 will have significantly longer range, more advanced stealth, be more sustainable, supportable, and have higher availability than our fifth-generation fighters. This platform is designed with a “built to adapt” mindset and will take significantly less manpower and infrastructure to deploy,” Allvin added.
Trump indicated that “certain allies” would be interested in the F-47, given the jet’s anticipated capabilities. He added that the United States “will be selling them,” though potentially in an export configuration. “We like to tone them down about ten percent,” President Trump said, adding that “probably makes sense because someday, maybe they’re not our allies, right?”
Although much of the research and development on the Next Generation Air Dominance (NGAD) platform has been done by the United States, there are still opportunities for international cooperation. One area potentially ripe for collaboration is the CCA, the Collaborative Combat Aircraft, which will fly in tandem with the F-47 as part of the NGAD platform.
Given that the Pentagon would like to fly the F-47 for at least several decades, continuous upgrades to software and the jet’s physical design are anticipated.
Competition
In an era of flatlining defense budgets, the F-47 will be competing for defense dollars alongside several other big-ticket items.
For the Air Force, the B-21 Raider stealth bomber is also coming online. And while that bomber is more or less on-budget at the moment, it is still a significantly expensive program. Ballooning budgets for either the B-21 or F-47 could hold the other program at risk.
Shown is a graphical artist rendering of the Next Generation Air Dominance (NGAD) Platform. The rendering highlights the Air Force’s sixth generation fighter, the F-47. The NGAD Platform will bring lethal, next-generation technologies to ensure air superiority for the Joint Force in any conflict. (U.S. Air Force graphic)
Shown is a graphical artist rendering of the Next Generation Air Dominance (NGAD) Platform. The rendering highlights the Air Force’s sixth generation fighter, the F-47. The NGAD Platform will bring lethal, next-generation technologies to ensure air superiority for the Joint Force in any conflict. (U.S. Air Force graphic)
The U.S. Navy’s upcoming DDG(X) program, the forthcoming destroyer that will replace Ticonderoga-class cruisers and early Arleigh Burke-class destroyers, will also eat up a significant piece of the defense-budget pie.
A Cheaper Boeing F-47 Fighter?
Whether the F-47 program is ultimately opened up to other American allies remains to be seen, but it could be a viable way to keep program costs lower.
With a potential future conflict in the Indo-Pacific region being a distinct possibility, the question now should be, can the United States afford to keep the F-47 as an American-only aircraft?
About the Author: Caleb Larson
Caleb Larson is an American multiformat journalist based in Berlin, Germany. His work covers the intersection of conflict and society, focusing on American foreign policy and European security. He has reported from Germany, Russia, and the United States. Most recently, he covered the war in Ukraine, reporting extensively on the war’s shifting battle lines from Donbas and writing on the war’s civilian and humanitarian toll. Previously, he worked as a Defense Reporter for POLITICO Europe. You can follow his latest work on X.
