The war in Ukraine, now entering its fourth brutal year, remains a geopolitical flashpoint that tests Western unity and resolve.
Kyiv’s urgent calls for NATO membership, repeatedly denied by prominent American political leaders—including President Donald Trump—have only heightened the strategic ambiguity surrounding Ukraine’s future.
As Trump and his advisors assert that Ukraine will never be admitted to NATO under his watch, Kyiv is left grappling with a precarious security situation.
This impasse raises a critical question: Could Western “security guarantees” offered outside formal NATO membership serve as a “backdoor” Article 5 pledge?
Understanding Article 5 and NATO Membership
Article 5 of NATO’s founding treaty remains the cornerstone of transatlantic security, mandating collective defense—an attack on one member is considered an attack on all.
Formal NATO membership, therefore, carries immense strategic weight, a fact well understood by Ukraine, which has sought such a binding commitment as protection against Russian aggression.
Yet, Trump’s categorical refusal—echoed by many within his political circle—reflects a correct hesitance borne out of fear of direct confrontation with Russia.
Exploring Informal Security Guarantees for Ukraine
Despite these public refusals, a scenario emerges in which Ukraine might receive robust security guarantees, mirroring many aspects of NATO’s Article 5, without actual alliance membership. In fact, this is what seems to have created the conditions for the now famous Oval Office argument between U.S. and Ukrainian leaders last week.
If enacted, and to be clear, we are still a long way from such a scenario on the U.S. side, such guarantees could be designed to assure Kyiv of substantial Western assistance in the event of renewed aggression by Moscow, albeit without explicitly triggering NATO’s formal collective defense mechanisms.
This “backdoor” commitment would represent a delicate balancing act, offering deterrence against Russian belligerence while avoiding a direct NATO-Russia confrontation.
Historical Precedents and Models
Historically, informal security guarantees have precedents.
The United States, for example, has extended such assurances to countries like Taiwan, providing substantial defensive support without formal treaty obligations that explicitly mandate military intervention.
The Taiwan Relations Act, though intentionally ambiguous, has successfully maintained deterrence against Chinese aggression for decades.
Similarly, security guarantees for Ukraine could be modeled to offer sufficient ambiguity to deter Russia without necessarily committing NATO to an automatic, formalized military response.
Challenges and Risks of Informal Guarantees
Yet, the practical implementation of such guarantees would face significant challenges, again, if even the Trump Administration would ever get onboard with the idea.
First and foremost is credibility: to deter Moscow effectively, these guarantees must be robust and believable.
Ambiguity, while useful diplomatically, risks creating loopholes that adversaries could exploit. Russia, observing past hesitations among Western nations, might calculate that any informal pledge falls short of an ironclad guarantee, thereby diminishing deterrence.
Moreover, internal cohesion within the Western alliance presents another hurdle. Even within NATO, a clear consensus on Ukraine’s status and support level remains elusive. European allies have varying degrees of risk tolerance regarding conflict with Russia, influenced by geography, economic ties, and domestic political pressures. Achieving unanimous support for informal security commitments could prove difficult, reducing their practical effectiveness.
Critics argue that informal guarantees would create precisely the scenario NATO has sought to avoid—ambiguity leading to potential miscalculations. Moscow might interpret vague Western promises as a bluff or a half-hearted commitment, potentially emboldening rather than deterring aggressive behavior. This risk of misinterpretation and escalation underscores the inherent danger in “backdoor” guarantees, especially when confronting a nuclear-armed adversary like Russia.
The Case for Flexible Security Assurances for Ukraine
Nevertheless, proponents assert that clear yet flexible security assurances might strike the ideal balance—enough to reassure Ukraine and dissuade Russian aggression, yet cautious enough to avoid direct conflict.
Such guarantees could include explicit commitments to supply advanced military technology, real-time intelligence support, enhanced training, and economic backing during crises, collectively raising the cost of Russian aggression without explicitly committing Western troops.
The Future of Ukraine and Security
Ultimately, the concept of a “backdoor” Article 5 is not without precedent or merit, though it remains inherently risky. No wonder Team Trump seems skeptical.
For Ukraine, such an arrangement might offer immediate reassurance and deterrence value without provoking Russia as directly as formal NATO membership. Yet, these assurances must be carefully calibrated to avoid miscalculations and to ensure alliance unity and commitment. Kyiv’s security hinges on the credibility of Western resolve—formal or otherwise.

Donald Trump speaking with supporters at a campaign rally at the Phoenix Convention Center in Phoenix, Arizona.
In the ongoing geopolitical chess match over Ukraine, Western powers, particularly the United States under leaders like Trump, face critical decisions. The complexity and potential peril of informal security guarantees underscore the urgency of clear, coherent policies that navigate between deterrence and escalation. The stakes for Ukraine—and for broader European security—remain extraordinarily high, requiring innovative yet cautious strategies that secure Kyiv without igniting wider conflict.
The Bottom Line
My gut tells me any security guarantees, at least for now, would come only from Europe. Could President Trump be persuaded otherwise? I hope that Trump lets Europe take the lead on Ukraine and any security guarantee promises from here on in, providing an intelligence and arms sales channel but never committing to any combat deployment like in NATO’s Article 5. Stay tuned.
About the Author: Harry J. Kazianis
Harry J. Kazianis (@Grecianformula) is Editor-In-Chief of 19FortyFive and President of Rogue States Project, the think tank arm of the publication. Kazianis recently served as Senior Director of National Security Affairs at the Center for the National Interest. He also served as Executive Editor of its publishing arm, The National Interest. Kazianis has held various roles at The National Interest, including Senior Editor and Managing Editor over the last decade. Harry is a recognized expert on national security issues involving North & South Korea, China, the Asia-Pacific, Europe, and general U.S. foreign policy and national security challenges. Kazianis previously served as part of the foreign policy team for the 2016 presidential campaign of Senator Ted Cruz. Kazianis also managed the foreign policy communications efforts of the Heritage Foundation, served as Editor-In-Chief of the Tokyo-based The Diplomat magazine, Editor of RealClearDefense, and as a WSD-Handa Fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS): PACNET.

bobb
March 3, 2025 at 1:10 pm
America has already spoken – NATO membership for ukraine is not on the cards. US not interested.
Thus any security ‘guarantees’ for kyiv MUST come from EU, not from uncle sam. Who gonna foot the bill. US Treasury. HELL.
Alternatively, ‘guarantees’ could be obtained from asian nations like south asia.
Here, president trump MUST immediately impose 25% extra tariffs on china, becuz china is now busily screwing just about everybody, not interested in peace or a battlefield-derived end to the bloody fighting.
Just only interested in sowing bribes to obtain endless development dollars. Faeeff off.
Russia is currently facing a barricade of russophobes, from the homophilic brits to the double-dealing french, germans, italians, ukro neo-nazis and etc.
Somebody MUST back up russia.
Coriolanii
March 3, 2025 at 1:17 pm
If the Europeans keep insisting on a US security guarantee, they will get nothing.
They have the people, wealth, technology, and incentives to handle this problem themselves.
So get to work, Europe.
redmi
March 3, 2025 at 3:30 pm
President trump has slammed zelenskyy for saying to the associated press (an anti-russian outfit) that the end of the War is very, very far away.
According to trump, that was the worst statement by far.
That was like hurling pigsty manure at current white house’s efforts to bring peace to ukraine.
America, said trump, will no longer put up with it.
Thus is like saying to a condemned man, “Ya asking for the noose to tighten around your neck.”
It’s the end. For zelenskyy.
Quartermaster
March 3, 2025 at 4:41 pm
“Russia is currently facing a barricade of russophobes, from the homophilic brits to the double-dealing french, germans, italians, ukro neo-nazis and etc.
Somebody MUST back up russia.”
Sure. Every criminal needs back up so they an engage in more crime. The major Neo-Nazi presence is in Russia. Putin started a war he can not win, adn deserves to be strung up facing his hero’s, Stalin’s, grave. Putin is likely to end his life cowering in some place, exiled, wondering when they will be coming for him. They will be coming for him.
Pubak the Kozak
March 3, 2025 at 4:50 pm
Speak softly but carry a big stick.Hope Ukraine is developing a nuclear one 👍
JingleBells
March 5, 2025 at 7:53 am
Ukraine is finished, kaput.
That has been clearly spelled out by keir starmer who wants UK, france and others to send their soldiers to ukraine.
Will russia just stand idly by and shrug its shoulders, and say well, nothing’s going on.
No, that’s the best opportunity to finally employ tactical nukes against european fascist forces without directly engaging their countries.
Or ‘ww3 on a kwik & detty budget’ and so it’s the end for the neo-nazis. In 2025.