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Sweden’s JAS 39 Gripen Fighter Can Fly After the Airfield Is Gone and No F-22, F-35 and J-20 Stealth Fighter Can Do That

Sweden built the JAS 39 Gripen to fight after its airfields were gone. It is not a stealth jet. In 2026 it is still being ordered — Brazil, Colombia, Thailand, Ukraine — because it generates sorties cheaply and it carries Meteor missiles.

JAS 39 Gripen
JAS 39 Gripen. Image Credit: Creative Commons.

The JAS 39 Gripen Was Built to Fly After the Airfield Was Gone. That Is Why Air Forces Still Buy It – The F-22, the F-35, and China’s J-20 own the first look in a modern air war. They were designed to be hard to see. The Saab JAS 39 Gripen was designed for a different problem.

Sweden assumed that in a war with the Soviet Union, the main runways would be gone in the opening hours, and that the air force would have to generate sorties from road strips, dispersed hangars, and a small ground crew. That requirement produced a single-engine fighter that is still being sold in 2026, in a market that stealth jets are supposed to have closed.

The JAS 39 Fighter Story

JAS stands for jakt, attack, spaning — fighter, attack, reconnaissance. The program was launched in the early 1980s to replace the Viggen and, in the original requirement, the Draken as well. The first Gripen flew on December 9, 1988. A Gripen training center opened at F 7 Såtenäs on June 9, 1996; Batch Two deliveries to the Swedish Air Force began that December. The early A and B models were followed by the NATO-standard C and D, then by a redesigned E and two-seat F that share the name and almost none of the internals.

Saab’s current E-series product page lists 60 for Sweden, 36 for Brazil, 17 for Colombia, and four for Thailand — 117 before Ukraine’s June order. Hungary took the last of a C/D follow-on in June 2026. The Czech Republic and South Africa still fly the older jet. On May 28, 2026, Sweden’s prime minister and Ukraine’s president announced that Kyiv intends to buy an initial batch of up to 20 Gripen E/F aircraft and that Stockholm intends to donate up to 16 C/Ds. On June 30, Saab and FMV signed a firm order for 16 Gripen Es at 24.6 billion kronor, with deliveries in 2029–2030. Canada has not signed a fighter contract with Saab.

None of that makes the Gripen a fifth-generation aircraft. It has a radar cross-section, not a stealth shaping program. The case for it is narrower and, for many air forces, more honest.

The jet is light; it turns around fast; it can sit on a road; and the E-model’s main long-range shot is MBDA’s Meteor, a ramjet missile that outranges most of what fourth-generation rivals still carry.

A Small Air Force Wrote the Requirements

Sweden did not have the money or the geography for a U.S.-style fighter force. The aircraft had to perform three jobs from a single cockpit. It had to start and stop from short, rough strips. It had to be maintained by a handful of conscripts.

It had to keep a useful payload on one engine. Saab still advertises the C-series as capable of operating from an 800-by-16-meter stretch of ordinary highway, with an air-to-air turnaround in under ten minutes. That is the Cold War Bas 90 idea, written in metal.

The C and D models use a Volvo RM12, a licensed development of General Electric’s F404. The E switched to the larger F414G, the same family that powers the Super Hornet. Maximum takeoff weight rose from 14,000 kilograms to 16,500. Hardpoints went from eight to ten. The mechanically scanned PS-05/A radar gave way to Leonardo’s ES-05 Raven, an AESA set on a swashplate so the array can look well off-boresight without pointing the nose. A Skyward-G infrared search-and-track sensor sits in front of the canopy and looks for aircraft that are trying not to emit.

JAS 39

JAS 39. Image Credit: Creative Commons.

JAS 39 Gripen Fighter from Sweden

JAS 39 Gripen Fighter from Sweden. Image Credit: Creative Commons.

JAS 39 Gripen Fighter

JAS 39 Gripen Fighter. Image Credit: Creative Commons.

Those are fourth-generation tools used well. They are not an F-35 sensor suite, and they are not a J-20’s frontal aspect. What they buy is a fighter that can be updated in software, hung with Western and Brazilian weapons, and parked somewhere a cruise missile did not expect. For air forces that will never field a hundred stealth jets, that is the sale.

What It Carries, and What Combat It Has Actually Seen

Saab’s brochure loadout for the E is “up to seven” Meteor beyond-visual-range missiles and two IRIS-T short-range missiles. The 27-millimeter Mauser BK-27 is the gun on the single-seaters; the two-seat D and F have no gun. The pylons also take anti-ship missiles, guided bombs, reconnaissance pods, and tanks. Older C/D jets have flown with AIM-120 AMRAAM. Sweden’s May package for Ukraine listed IRIS-T, AMRAAM, and Meteor together. The magazine is not an F-22’s internal bay. It is a conventional fighter load built around a missile that has changed the beyond-visual-range argument for every European jet that carries it.

Combat time is thin. Swedish Gripens flew reconnaissance over Libya in 2011. The government told the Riksdag the jets would not do ground strikes; open tallies put the Swedish contribution in the range of 570 missions and about 1,770 hours, most of it tactical recce. Czech and Hungarian jets have done NATO air policing. On March 11, 2024, a Swedish Gripen made its first visual identification as a NATO member on Baltic QRA.

Thailand is the kinetic case, and it needs to be dated. Reuters’ July 24, 2025 openers named F-16s on the first strike day. Trade reporting from July 26 onward — Forbes, Aviation Week, Armada — put two Gripens in later strike packages with two F-16s. The bomb type in those accounts is not consistent. Reuters’ December 2025 stories said “fighter jets” without a type. Treat the Gripen’s first combat as a trade-press finding, not a Reuters one.

Cost is why the type stays in competitions stealth jets are supposed to end. There is no single flyaway price. Colombia’s November 2025 deal for 17 E/F jets, weapons, training, and support is €3.1 billion. Thailand’s August 2025 order for four E/F aircraft is 5.3 billion kronor. Ukraine’s 16 Es are 24.6 billion kronor. Those are packages. Saab’s product pages say “low flight hour costs” and do not print a dollar figure. A 2012 IHS Jane’s comparison that put Gripen at the bottom of a Western hourly table is still recycled as if it were current. It is not a 2026 official number.

The E and F Are a New Jet With an Old Name

Calling the E a mid-life upgrade undersells the redesign. New engine, new radar, new electronic-warfare suite, more fuel, more stations, a new cockpit, and a two-seat F developed with Brazil. FMV handed the first E to the Swedish Air Force at F 7 Såtenäs on October 20, 2025. Saab and Embraer unveiled the first Brazilian-built E at Gavião Peixoto on March 25, 2026; eleven of the 36-jet 2014 contract had been handed over by then. Saab rolled out the first Gripen F in Linköping on June 2, 2026. That aircraft then entered flight test. It was not a delivery.

Thailand ordered three Es and one F. Colombia signed on November 14–15, 2025, for 15 Es and two Fs, deliveries 2026–2032. Bogotá is a contracted customer, not an operator. The F414 is American. Every E-series export still needs a U.S. engine license. Early 2025 reporting said Washington might sit on Colombia’s license; Saab denied a veto. The November contract is commercial evidence Saab judged the path viable. It is not a published State Department approval. The same leverage sits on any Canadian or Ukrainian E, because there is no Swedish engine on the wing. That is the independence problem the airframe cannot design out.

Who Flies It, and What Ottawa Has Not Decided

Current operators of the C/D or E are Sweden, Brazil, the Czech Republic, Hungary, South Africa, and Thailand. Hungary’s extra C/D buy closed when the last two jets arrived at Kecskemét on June 23, 2026, taking the fleet to 18. The Czechs have 14 on lease, with a plan to drop to 12 after 2027 and replace the type with F-35s later. South Africa bought 26; availability has been poor for years, and treating that number as an operational fleet is a mistake. Ukraine is not an operator. Peru has no contract. The United Kingdom has used Gripens at its test-pilot school. That is not a combat buy.

Canada is the sale that would change the industrial map. Ottawa announced 88 F-35As in January 2023. Sixteen are on a firm paid order. Prime Minister Mark Carney opened a review of the rest in March 2025. CBC reported in June 2026 that sources said Ottawa was exploring 72 Gripens assembled in Canada, even while still looking at a large F-35 buy. That is sourced reporting, not a signed offer. On May 27, 2026, the government named Saab the preferred supplier for an airborne early-warning aircraft. Saab said it had not signed a contract and had not received an order. The fighter decision is still open.

A split fleet is the compromise that keeps appearing in Canadian reporting: some F-35s for stealth missions and Gripens for daily Arctic and sovereignty patrols. It would be expensive in terms of training and spare parts. It would also put a non-American fighter on NORAD alert in modern memory. No contract has been signed. The original evaluation scored the F-35 well ahead. The review is not about that score. It is about industrial work and how much of a fighter fleet Canada wants to own without a U.S. software pipeline.

The Gripen’s market in 2026 is the set of countries that have looked at the F-35’s price, the J-20’s politics, and the F-22’s export ban, and decided they still need a fighter they can actually fly. Sweden built that airplane for itself first. The export list is the residue of that decision, not a conversion on stealth.

About the Author: Harry J. Kazianis

Harry J. Kazianis (@Grecianformula) was the former Senior Director of National Security Affairs at the Center for the National Interest (CFTNI), a foreign policy think tank founded by Richard Nixon based in Washington, DC. Harry has over a decade of experience in think tanks and national security publishing. His ideas have been published in the NY Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, CNN, and many other outlets worldwide. He has held positions at CSIS, the Heritage Foundation, the University of Nottingham, and several other institutions related to national security research and studies. He is the former Executive Editor of the National Interest and the Diplomat. He holds a Master’s degree focusing on international affairs from Harvard University.

Written By

Harry J. Kazianis (@Grecianformula) is Editor-In-Chief of 19FortyFive and National Security Journal. Kazianis recently served as Senior Director of National Security Affairs at the Center for the National Interest. He also served as Executive Editor of its publishing arm, The National Interest. Kazianis has held various roles at The National Interest, including Senior Editor and Managing Editor over the last decade. Harry is a recognized expert on national security issues involving North & South Korea, China, the Asia-Pacific, Europe, and general U.S. foreign policy and national security challenges. Past Experience Kazianis previously served as part of the foreign policy team for the 2016 presidential campaign of Senator Ted Cruz. Kazianis also managed the foreign policy communications efforts of the Heritage Foundation, served as Editor-In-Chief of the Tokyo-based The Diplomat magazine, Editor of RealClearDefense, and as a WSD-Handa Fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS): PACNET. Kazianis has also held foreign policy fellowships at the Potomac Foundation and the University of Nottingham. Kazianis is the author of the book The Tao of A2/AD, an exploration of China’s military capabilities in the Asia-Pacific region. He has also authored several reports on U.S. military strategy in the Asia-Pacific as well as edited and co-authored a recent report on U.S.-Japan-Vietnam trilateral cooperation. Kazianis has provided expert commentary, over 900 op-eds, and analysis for many outlets, including The Telegraph, The Wall Street Journal, Yonhap, The New York Times, Hankyoreh, The Washington Post, MSNBC, 1945, Fox News, Fox Business, CNN, USA Today, CNBC, Politico, The Financial Times, NBC, Slate, Reuters, AP, The Washington Examiner, The Washington Times, RollCall, RealClearPolitics, LA Times, Newsmax, BBC, Foreign Policy, The Hill, Fortune, Forbes, DefenseOne, Newsweek, NPR, Popular Mechanics, VOA, Yahoo News, National Security Journal and many others.

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